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Distressed by the apathy he found among Christians in Rome, he contended that they were encouraged in this by Augustine’s view of divine grace.

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The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, Philip Schaff Vol. VIII
(abridged and edited for clarity)
PELAGIUS (C. 354–AFTER 418)
Monk who founded a school of thought that rejected the doctrines of original sin and predestination and that believed in man’s free will and inherent capacity for good

Place and Life

The author of the teachings which racked the western Church in the fifth century was born probably in Britain in the fourth century; and died, as may be assumed, in Palestine at the age of about seventy. Together with his friend Celestius, he is mentioned by Augustine in a letter of 418 as the author or promoter of a heresy which sought to undermine the ancient faith by assailing the doctrine of divine grace. Until 411, however, Pelagius had been regarded as perfectly orthodox, nor did he gain his evil fame until he came within the domain of the dogmatic influence of Augustine. It was from Africa that the condemnation of Pelagianism proceeded, and in the East it was only after the Pelagian controversy had been complicated by Nestorianism that Pelagius was deemed a heretic, which was not till after 428. Pelagius had lived long in Rome, when, about 411, he made the fateful journey to Africa which was to brand him as leader of a heretical sect. It is not improbable that he was an old man by 410, and after 418 his name vanished. Of his life little is definitely known, and even his birth place is uncertain. Augustine, Prosper, Marius Mercator, and Orosius refer to him as a Briton. Jerome, on the other hand, states that he was from Albion or Scotia (i.e., Ireland). It seems probable, however, that Pelagius was of British birth. He was a monk, though whether in his native land or not is unknown. It is not improbable that he had visited the East before settling at Rome, especially as he was well acquainted with Greek (though this is by no means a conclusive argument). He can scarcely be identified with the monk of the same name mentioned by Chrysostom in 405, for in this year he was living in Rome; or with a monastic glutton to whom Isidore of Pelusium refers. If Pelagius visited the East before 400, he might there have become a monk; but in Rome he was neither connected with any monastery nor did he hold any ecclesiastical position. Nevertheless, even without school or position, an educated and upright ascetic, such as Pelagius was acknowledged to have been, readily found in public places, and his fame became wide-spread. By 405 he was in correspondence with Paulinus of Nola and enjoyed an honorable reputation with Augustine. Jerome and Orosius describe him as a man with broad shoulders and a strong neck, and corpulent in person.

Works

According to Gennadius, Pelagius had written two works of value before he became known as a heretic: De fide Trinitatis libri tres and Eclogarum ex divinis scripturis liber unus. The former has entirely disappeared; the latter is plainly identical with the Testimoniorum liber and Capitulorum liber to which Augustine and Jerome refer, from the latter of which the synod of Diospolis cites several propositions. The fragments of this work, however, which consisted principally of citations from the Scriptures with only the chapter headings written by Pelagius, are of little value for a knowledge of his system. The greater importance attaches to the In apostolum Paulum commentarii, mentioned by Marius Mercator. This work was known by Augustine by 412; and Marius Mercator is doubtless right in dating it before 410. This commentary may be regarded as preserved by the fortunate discovery of H. Zimmer in a manuscript of St. Gall. Frorn this it has become evident that the edited version of the commentary of Pelagius which has become incorporated with the writings of Jerome can no longer be termed "pseudo-Jeromian"; for, although two Pelagian statements in the commentary on Romans preserved by Augustine and Marius Mercator and contained in the St. Gall codex are lacking in the "pseudo-Jerome," and the discovery of other differences between the original by Pelagius and our texts may be the result of researches still in progress, nevertheless the "pseudo-Jerome" may be considered as containing nothing not derived from Pelagius. From the data thus gained it becomes possible to see the views of Pelagius at a time when he was still deemed orthodox, which would he impossible from the polemics of Augustine.

Original Sin

As early as his commentary on Romans Pelagius denied the tenet of original sin inherited from Adam, not only citing the similar views of others (possibly including Celestius) but himself directly controverting it. Only the flesh. of man, not the immortal soul, comes from Adam, and even the "substance of man's flesh" comes from God and is, therefore, good; and he regards it as Manichean to assert that sin is innate in the body. Man accordingly still possesses the power not to sin, and is free to do either good or evil. He implies that natural death is not due to Adam, nor does he regard the natural death (i.e., death without subsequent abiding in Hades) as a result of the fall or as coming under the category of death. At the same time Pelagius held that sin had come into the world through Adam, who had brought death upon himself and his descendants. But although the flesh is good, its desires, so soon as they pass beyond "the limits of nature," are contrary to reason. The applications of these views bear a decidedly ascetic stamp: to sell all one's possessions, as he himself had done; to refrain even from what was permitted; to be content, like pilgrims, with bare necessities; and to live in celibacy-these were his ideals. Nevertheless, Pelagius carefully refrained from upbraiding nature. He did not oppose marriage; though the desires of the flesh, which are not without justification when kept within the bounds of nature, stand in opposition to the soul and may become intensified into passions. While reason may oppose these "passions of irrational animals," Pelagius, betraying the influence of the Stoics, was far from failing to recognize the power of sin in the world. Many were made sinful by the example of Adam's disobedience; the very "habit of sin" had attained such power over all the race, that Pelagius could speak of a "necessity" rooted in this habit; though this was created by each man for himself. Since all have sinned, so all die. Adam is the type of them that die, as Christ is the type of them that rise again. Since man had forgotten the law of nature, God had given the law of the letter, which might have been fulfilled to be rewarded with eternal life, but no one had fulfilled it because of the weakness of the flesh. This law knew no forgiveness of sin, though God had from eternity purposed to save them that believed through his Son. When Christ came the time had been fulfilled, since no one could keep the law because of his habit of evil; and now salvation is solely by faith in him.

Christian Redemption

In answer to the questions what Christ had done and given, Pelagius repeatedly replied in twofold fashion; as when he said: "He giveth remission of sins to them that believe and teacheth how the vices of the flesh ought to be avoided and pruned by understanding." In this remission of sins Pelagius distinguished between redemption and justification; the former is emphasized only where Paul speaks of redemption, but the latter is continually emphasized by Pelagius. This justification, given through baptism, is secured through faith alone; and Pelagius was the most strenuous representative of solafiducianism previous to Luther. At the same time he held that none should think that faith alone was sufficient to salivation without sanctity of mind and body. If, moreover, the Christian were to remain in a state of justification without the works of faith, his faith would he dead. The faith which is thus associated by Pelagius with justification, though given to each individual by God in so far as each one is called by the divine will to believe, nevertheless life within the free will of each man. Pelagius is thus no predestinarian, and he expressly holds that "faith is the election of grace as works are the election of the law"; faith, moreover, is reliance on the promises of God, the "hope of the recompense of good works," without which "none can accomplish virtues". While he who is baptized is sanctified, he must hold fast to his sanctification. Sins previous to baptism should distress no one; and every one overtaken by sin should take refuge in penitence. Thus Pelagius leads to the second blessing of Christ, the grace whereby the baptized may learn from Christ's doctrine and example. This doctrine and example teach how to overcome the passions; for it was the distinctive characteristic of the New Testament that Christ taught how to put away not only sin, but even the occasions of offenses. Thus, in a word, he teaches by inculcating asceticism: since, "by being born of a poor mother he hath scorned riches; since while he learned not letters he refuteth worldly wisdom; and since, when betrayed he resisted not, he forbiddeth to boast in human bravery ".

Pedobaptistm, Original Sin and Perfection

The commentaries of Pelagius contain all the erroneous doctrines later alleged against him, with a single exception. This, however, was the one which was preeminently to lead to his condemnation--doubts regarding the baptism of children for the remission of sins. He had no occasion to mention pedobaptiam, for his high estimate of solafiducian justification evidently concerned only those baptized as adults; but obviously, had he needed to allude to it, he would have condemned it. From this a double conclusion follows: first that Pelagius' doctrines can not have been offensive of themselves to wide circles of the Church of his period; second, infant baptism was to prove fatal to him so soon as it was recognized by the Church for the remission of sins. According to Augustine. the three chief errors of the Pelagians were: their denial of original sin; their view that justifying grace is not given freely, but according to merit; and that they regarded sinless perfection as possible after baptism. The first and third charges were well founded. While recognizing that sin was general almost without exception, Pelagius acknowledged no inherited taint; and the possibility of post-baptismal sinlessness, though rarely realized, followed from his premise that Christians am called to perfection. Yet in neither of these positions was Pelagius without predecessors. The doctrine of original sin was unknown in the Eastern Church, and Pelagius could even claim some degree of support in Lactantius. Universal sin was for the Origenistic theology a presupposition of this temporal period. In the Old Testament, Abraham, Noah, Enoch, and Abel were declared "acceptable to God "; and Athanasius accepted this in the sense of active integrity and regarded also Jeremiah as sinless. The ancient view was widespread that it was the duty of the Christian to live sinlessly after baptism, a view expressed by Athanasius and. Justin and regarded as entirely possible of realization.

Doctrine of Grace

Nevertheless, it would be incorrect to say that the views of Pelagius represented nothing but what was already current in the East. Augustine was wrong in charging that Pelagius held justifying grace to be conditioned by human merit; for one of the cardinal principles of Pelagius was that man is justified in baptism by faith alone, and not by any merits of his former life. It was only assisting grace of another kind that could be merited according to the system of Pelagius. The error of Augustine is due to the fact that by justification he has in mind something different from the sense of Pelagius. Elsewhere, however, he accurately expressed what he failed to find in Pelagius; namely, the concept of that grace without which, in Augustine's view, nothing good could happen, it being the inward communication of supernatural strength for good, and the bestowal of a share in the well-being of God, without which justification does not fulfil itself. It is true that Pelagius speaks of a "strength through the Holy Ghost" given by Christ to his followers, and of a "seal of the Spirit" received by the Christian in baptism, and that he was also aware that the Spirit aids man's infirmity; but he understood this aid of the Spirit to be either the baptismal sealing of the earnest of future inheritance, or the strengthening of man's weak powers by reviving the hope of recompense. It is true, not every mention of "aid of the Spirit" is explained in this way by Pelagius, but his general tendency was to stamp Biblical ideas with clear concepts in accordance with his general purview. And this was opposed to every physical or hyperphysical basis of morality, and had its source in the intellectualism of ancient ethics. Augustine was influenced by the mysticism of the Neoplatonic school; Pelagius, by the older moral, rational, popular philosophy, especially that of the Stoics. Consequently his opinion of "natural and common death" has few parallels in the Eastern Church. It is to be noted that his idea of the sinful state of man is more closely analogous to that of collective sin and collective guilt in the modern Church than the Augustinian, and that his doctrine of justification squares more closely in many respects with that of Paul than does Augustine's. His concept of faith, in like manner, is deeper, though he is prevented from perfectly understanding the religious by his intellectualistic moralism, just as Augustine is prevented by his mystical bias. But, again like Augustine, Pelagius meant more than his teaching expressed. To him the hope of recompense is founded on the remission of sins, and remission rests upon the cross. For this reason he frequently emphasizes gratitude; and such words as "he proveth that he hath God in mind who, having God ever before him, dareth not sin " conclusively proved that Pelagius knew of a personal relation to God and Christ which his moralistic formulas could no more describe than could Augustine's physical and hyperphysical concepts do justice to the depths of his personal piety.

Letter to Demetrias and Celestius

It is clear, nevertheless, that the main interests of Pelagius were not centered where his thoughts most closely approximated those of Paul. This is shown by his letter to the virgin Demetrias, written in 413 or 414 and preserved among the works of Jerome. While maintaining that God forgives in baptism all the sins of the Christian, the letter lays special stress on the admonition that the baptized "must so be mindful of their heavenly birth that, living among the wicked, they may conquer every evil." The power of good and evil is a fundamental presupposition, and the glory of the rational soul; even many philosophers, although strangers to God, had been able to please him in virtue of the "good of nature." The letter also alludes to the "grace of the remission of sins," laying more stress, however, on the "grace of doctrine," with mention of the "graces of assistance " (by the Holy Ghost) ; though the latter graces are but obscurely developed in this epistle. Even meditation on the Bible is here urged by Pelagius only in the interest of moral instruction and stimulus. It is thus evident that the religious concept of Pelagius retired into the background when he spoke on morality or holiness of living; and he lived, despite his thorough acquaintance with the writings of Paul, in an atmosphere of ascetic morality more akin to the views of Seneca than to those of the great Apostle. More energetically than Pelagius, and at an earlier date, his pupil Celestius, a lawyer of noble birth, emphasized the negative side of the views which he and his teacher held in common. According to the testimony of the Liber prædestinatus, Pelagius derived from Celestius the theses set up against original sin; but this does not say that these were citations from a book by Celestius entitled "Against Original Sin." The citations of Jerome from a work by Celcetius, probably entitled "Syllogisms," as well as a series of sentences by which Celestius was challenged at Carthage in 411, may be derived from the same book from which Pelagius drew. It is not impossible, on the other hand, that the author of the Liber prædestinatus and Vincent may have had in mind several works of Celestius when they termed him the first opponent of the doctrine of original sin. At all events, the literary activity of Celestius, so far as is known, no more caused a controversy at Rome than the commentaries of Pelagius.
 
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